Showing posts with label carbon trading. Show all posts
Showing posts with label carbon trading. Show all posts

Friday, 15 January 2010

NSW: Free EDO Seminars - Climate Law after Copenhagen

How can global warming be kept to 2 degrees, as proposed in the Copenhagen Accord?

Free public seminars with the Environmental Defender 's Office Northern Rivers.

  • An insider 's view of the Copenhagen summit.
  • The implications of Australia's proposed CPRS and alter natives.
  • Recent Australian and international climate change court cases


Where: PORT MACQUARIE, Sea Acres Rainforest Centre, Pacific Dve

When: 5.45 for 6 pm sharp to 8 pm, Thursday 4 February 2010


Where: BELLINGEN, Uniting Church Hall, cnr Waterfall Way + Ford St

When: 5.45 for 6 pm sharp to 8 pm, Friday 5 February 2010


Where: BALLINA, Richmond Room, Regatta Ave

When: 5.45 for 6 pm sharp to 8 pm, Wednesday 10 February


Where: MURWILLUMBAH, CWA Hall, 20 Queen St

When: 5.45 for 6 pm sharp to 8 pm, Thursday 11 February


Light refreshments provided. No booking necessary. Presented by the EDO NSW Northern Rivers office

For more information please call Mark Byrne on 66228470 or email edonr@edo.org.au

Please note that the science supporting anthropogenic climate change will NOT be debated at these seminars

http://www.edo.org.au/edonsw/site/pdf/seminars/100114seminars_feb10.pdf

Tuesday, 29 December 2009

And you thought carbon offsets couldn’t get worse!

From Climate and Capitalism:

December 28, 2009

Climate and Capitalism has frequently commented on two widespread illusions – that global warming is caused by overpopulation, and that buying offsets is an effective way to combat greenhouse gas emissions. I never imagined that anyone would try to combine them.Edit

by Ian Angus

Three years ago, Carbon Trade Watch published a report called The Carbon Neutral Myth. Its main conclusion was summarized briefly:

“Carbon offsets are the modern day indulgences, sold to an increasingly carbon conscious public to absolve their climate sins. Scratch the surface, however, and a disturbing picture emerges, where creative accountancy and elaborate shell games cover up the impossibility of verifying genuine climate change benefits, and where communities in the South often have little choice as offset projects are inflicted on them.”

I wish I could say that things had improved since then, but they haven’t. It seems as though we hear about a new carbon offset schemes every week, and each one is less credible than the one before.

But competing designers of offset plans will have to work very hard to beat Optimum Population Trust (OPT), an English outfit that campaigns for population control in third world countries and for reduced immigration to the UK. For sheer chutzpah, it will be hard to beat PopOffsets.

You guessed it. Instead of actually reducing your carbon emissions, you can now pay OPT to persuade third world women not to have babies!

What’s more, it’s cheap. According to the website:

“Research is indicating that providing a currently unmet need for family planning is the lowest cost way of reducing CO2 emissions and climate change – possibly less than one third of the cost of other technological fixes – without any environmental downsides.”[1]

They have an online calculator to determine how much money you should pay to salve your conscience. As a resident of Canada, which has one of the world’s highest per capita emission rates, for just 100 euros I can get a Certificate that proclaims me “carbon neutral” for a year.

OPT says that it will use my money (“less minimal/unavoidable costs”) to provide grants to unnamed “family planning organizations.” Just in case you object on religious grounds, they promise that they will “not direct funding towards abortion services.”

Now there are some catches. According to the PopOffsets’ FAQ:

  • There are no standards for measuring or verifying the effectiveness of any voluntary offset program, including this one.
  • The PopOffsets plan is not accredited by anyone, but they “are running a campaign to achieve accreditation in the long term.”
  • They haven’t actually decided who will get the money.
  • And “more work needs to be carried out on quantifying this methodology of CO2 reductions.”

That last point should be nominated for Understatement of the Year.

I might take this a little more seriously if the money were used to reduce the birth rate among rich Brits. Just think how much lower England’s emissions would be if aristocrats and bank directors were limited to one spoiled child each. How many Bentleys and Jaguars could be taken off the road if the Royal Family stopped reproducing altogether?

But no. Rather than targeting the high-emitting rich, the only concrete project mentioned by PopOffsets is a family planning program in Madagascar, where – according to PopOffsets own website – annual emissions are just 0.1 tonnes per person. Per capita emissions in the UK are nearly 100 times that level – and the emissions generated by rich Britons are much higher.

In short, instead of targeting actual high emitters, PopOffsets blames the world’s poorest people for a problem created by the rich, and it solicits funds for unnamed projects whose impact on global warming is at best unmeasurable. Even if you are totally convinced that reducing population is the way to go, the PopOffsets scheme is hard to swallow.

There’s a satirical website, Cheatneutral.com, which promises to “neutralise your cheating,” by letting you pay someone else to remain monogamous and faithful. It says:

“Cheatneutral is about offsetting infidelity. We’re the only people doing it, and Cheatneutral is a joke.

“Carbon offsetting is about paying for the right to carry on emitting carbon. The Carbon offset industry sold £60 million of offsets last year, and is rapidly growing. Carbon offsetting is also a joke.”

I won’t be surprised if some unsuspecting websurfer mistakes PopOffsets for an even more elaborate joke. Unfortunately, it isn’t one.

* * * * * * * *

Footnote

[1] In case you are wondering, the research turns out to be one paper done as a summer project by a grad student who was paid by OPT. Peer-reviewed? Not a chance.


Wednesday, 23 December 2009

Garrett lies through his teeth - again!

Minister for the Environment, Heritage and Artfully Dodging Responsibility, Peter Garrett, has a history of making it up to suit his purpose, but it's not often that it's quite so blatant.

In the aftermath of the disastrous Copenhagen Climate "talks", the Hon. Mr Garrett has issued a press release assuring us again of the government's intention to do something about climate change, someday, somehow. Maybe.

In this case, the magic words were in response to the release of the
Final Report (PDF) by Dr Alan Hawke of the Independent Review of the Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation (EPBC) Act, namely that Garrett tells us:

The Government favours a market-based system to reduce our greenhouse emissions, and for that reason if the CPRS is passed there will be no need for a greenhouse trigger to be introduced, even as an interim measure. This is entirely consistent with Dr Hawke's intention."

Now, I'm sure Peter was counting on the Australian population being asleep, drunk, or otherwise occupied with stuffing its mouth and shopping trolley with Christmas junk, but some of us are still watching. You know, with the whole planet in the balance, Christmas seems even less meaningful than usual, and all that.

So what did we see, we few Watchmen? Well, hidden in the Hawke Report - on page 156 - was this nugget of gold (hat-tip to Alex Surace on the Grassroots Climate Oz elist):

“In light of the current uncertainty surrounding the CPRS, and the urgency in starting to tackle Australia’s carbon trajectory, the Review recommends that the Government consider implementing the following:

■ an interim greenhouse trigger, to be introduced as soon as possible by way of Regulations, continuing until commencement of the CPRS and ‘sun‑setting’ once the CPRS is operational;”


Et tu, Peter? Rather than meet their election promise of a legislated greenhouse "trigger", enabling the minister, the public and the courts to stop or force changes to developments and activities that would release large quantities of greenhouse gasses, the Rudd government
has chosen to continue their abject grovelling before the free market and its polluting profiteers. Rather than regulating - and preventing - greenhouse gas emissions, they've decided to leave it to the market to decide whether we deserve to live or die.

If that were not enough, today we have the wise words from the crystal-ball gazers, sorry, "economists", assuring us that the best way to make enormous profits from, sorry, solve, the climate crisis is, indeed, an emissions trading scheme. This is despite the failure of an ETS in Europe recently, the relative failure of an ETS in SO2 emissions in the US over the past 30 years, the failure of Kyoto to do anything useful and the abject failure of the global market to do anything more than cause economic chaos, poverty, bankruptcy and a very small number of large bank balances.

[If you want to depress yourself with the facts on carbon trading, The Corner House can oblige you.]

And - as if to underline the "superiority" of the market to, say, direct investment in renewables - AGL has announced that the market mechanism peanuts the government is offering for renewable energy are, well, shit, and don't work, and they won't be investing in any more alternative energy. So there. :-p Brilliant stuff, no?

Add to that the Sinophobic blame-game coming out of Copenhagen (and the responses and rebuttals too).

And then Penny Wong's jealous dig at Hugo Chavez and the radical bloc in latin america:

"There are a few radical nations, a few radical states seeking to block action on climate change internationally, seeking to derail this process,"

These are of course the same radical countries actually calling for serious action on climate change, standing by Tuvalu and the small island nations most under threat from climate change, and calling for an absolute maximum of 1-1.5 degrees warming (but don't let that get in the way of a good lie, Penny).

It's enough to curdle your eggnog!

Wednesday, 25 November 2009

Rudd’s CPRS won't solve the problem: radical climate action needed now

from the Socialist Alliance website

Simon Butler
25 November 2009

Could the government’s proposed Carbon Pollution Reduction Scheme (CPRS) get any worse? The unfortunate answer is yes. It can, it has already and it’s likely to get worse still before parliament ends for the year.

Radical action is needed to avert an irreversible climate change disaster. Australia has some of the best conditions in the world for wind and solar power. An emergency program to phase out fossil fuels and switch to renewable energy in a decade is needed.

Given the crisis, it’s hard to imagine a more useless response than an emissions trading scheme.

Carbon trading schemes now exist in 35 countries worldwide. Yet nowhere have they successfully driven down carbon emissions.

In their various forms, however, all have proved to be highly lucrative for a new breed of carbon speculators, who can profit from trading in a new commodity — our air.

Friends of the Earth said the European Union’s emissions trading scheme will be worth about US$3.1 trillion by 2020.

Such cap-and-trade schemes face increasing criticism as failures mount, but profits — and emissions — rise.

In July, the billionaire financier George Soros told a London School of Economics conference that carbon trading was the wrong response to climate change. “The system can be gamed; that’s why financial types like me like it — because there are financial opportunities.”

Australian climate activists and most environment groups have condemned the proposed CPRS as a woefully inadequate response to the global warming crisis. Its weak targets ignore the scientific evidence that rapid emission cuts are needed.

The federal climate change department’s own figures suggest that the scheme won’t lead to a significant drop in Australia’s emissions for at least 20 years. Climate scientists say that’s far too late to prevent runaway climate change.

The low targets are a ghastly joke in the face of a looming climate disaster. But even worse, they are not real targets at all.

The CPRS will allow business to meet the emissions cuts targets through buying carbon offsets from overseas — that is, they can pay projects in other countries to make 100% of the cuts on their behalf.

The scheme gives A$16.4 billion taxpayers’ money as “compensation” to polluting industries, diverting resources away from direct investment in solar thermal, and wind power, energy efficiency measures and public transport.

The proposed payouts have grown so large the federal treasury was forced to revise its revenue projections for the CPRS on November 2, the Australian Conservation Foundation (ACF) said. Treasury now expects it will be $2.5 billion in arrears by 2019-20.

Critics also point out the scheme’s subsidies will keep polluting industries in business, rather than phase them out.

In its first year, the CPRS carbon price will be capped at $10 a tonne — a rate so low it’s certain to price renewable energy alternatives out of the market.

So much for the supposed ecological benefits of a “free market” in pollution.

The only thing truly “free” in this scheme is the 95% of permits the government will hand to the dirtiest and richest companies at no charge.

The climate depravity of the two big parties is hard to overstate. Negotiations between the ALP and Coalition to get the scheme passed by the Senate are certain to add even more loopholes for the big polluters.

The ALP government has ruled out any negotiations with the Greens, who want far stiffer cuts in emissions.

Emissions from agriculture are the latest casualty of the political horse-trading. Prime Minister Kevin Rudd said on November 15 agriculture would be permanently excluded from the CPRS. It was a key demand of the climate denier-riddled opposition.

After stationary energy, agriculture is the next biggest contributor to Australia’s greenhouse gas emissions.

The plan to cut emissions in this crucial area is now official: we have no plan. But in truth, this is only a marginal change from the Rudd government’s climate policy for other sectors. There we have a plan that is sure to fail.

Other Coalition amendment proposals include: triple compensation payments to electricity producers; lock in the weak targets for 10 years instead of five; and exempt mining companies from having to worry about the release of methane, a potent greenhouse gas, from coalmines.

At least some of these proposals will become part of the final legislation if it is to pass into law.

A question arises as to whether the big environmental NGOs, who were suckered into backing the CPRS in May, will now finally distance themselves from the polluter-friendly scheme.

The ACF has said many times it would end its support of the CPRS if it was “substantially weakened”. Yet the exclusion of agriculture from the CPRS — amounting to about 16% of Australia’s emissions — still hasn’t led to a policy change.

As the circus surrounding the CPRS draws to its miserable finale, new evidence of the looming climate catastrophe has emerged. It is almost as if the warnings from climate scientists become more dire in inverse proportion to the worsening of Australia’s climate change policy.

On November 20, parts of New South Wales were placed on “catastrophic fire danger” alerts. South-eastern Australia braced for more days of searing heat and fierce winds.

Meanwhile, a new study published in the journal Nature Geoscience by a group of climate scientists from the Global Carbon Project said average temperatures are highly likely to rise by 6°C by the end of the century.

The scientists assessed that such a rise was probable given current emissions. The study said world emissions rose 28% between 2000 and 2008. In the 18 years from 1990, the rise was 41%.

They also confirmed the rate of emissions is now higher than ever — at a time it should be coming down fast. In the 1990s, emissions rose by about 1% a year. Since the turn of the century, the yearly rise has been about 3%.

The November 18 London Independent pointed out that a 6°C rise “would have cataclysmic and irreversible consequences for the Earth, making large parts of the planet uninhabitable and threatening the basis of human civilisation”.

Lead author of the study, Professor Corinne Le Quere, told the Independent December’s Copenhagen climate talks had to make a strong commitment to cut emissions.

“If the agreement is too weak, or the commitments not respected, it is not 2.5°C or 3°C we will get: it's 5°C or 6°C — that is the path we're on”, she said.

But any hopes that the Copenhagen conference will deliver the agreement the planet so desperately needs are misplaced.

US President Barack Obama announced on November 14 that no legally binding agreement would be made — exactly what the rich countries, including Australia, have pushed for over the past few months, against the wishes of the poor nations. The setting of binding targets will be delayed for at least a year.

In a display of outrageous hypocrisy, Rudd called on world leaders to show greater “political courage” at Copenhagen, said ABC Online on November 18.

Real political courage is exactly what is required. But it won’t be found in the pro-corporate political parties or the international gatherings of the so-called world leaders, who will lead us only to oblivion.

The political courage we need is the courage of the street, of the activists, of the people. The courage to fight for the measures we need and not give up. The courage to take decision-making power out of the hands of the elites who have so grievously abused it.

The courage to tell the truth about climate change. The courage to demand what science and justice dictate, not what is desperately inadequate but “politically acceptable”.

The courage to keep building a movement that can make governments fear the people, and fear the consequences of just pretending to act on climate change any longer.

That kind of political courage is all that stands between a safe climate future and climate chaos.

Wednesday, 19 August 2009

The CPRS was a fatally flawed scheme

August 14, 2009

Socialist Alliance statement on the Senate rejection of the Carbon Pollution Reduction Scheme

The Socialist Alliance welcomes the Senate’s rejection of the Rudd Government’s Carbon Pollution Reduction Scheme.

We commend the Greens Senators for their principled opposition, which reflects the viewpoint of the grassroots climate action movement, as well as their own goal of achieving a safe and sustainable climate.

Labor’s CPRS has never been “a good starting point to achieving real targets for reduced greenhouse emissions” as claimed by the Australian Council of Trade Unions. Neither is the CPRS the best way to create “a million clean energy jobs in six key industry sectors over the next two decades”.

It is simply a dangerous and immensely complex proposal: with its paltry 5% reduction target it would actually allow carbon pollution to increase, would pay $16.4 billion in compensation to the big polluters, allow an increase in coal production and exports, and transfer to poor developing countries the task of offsetting Australian greenhouse gas emissions.

The Coalition’s carbon policy, which has yet to be finalised, but which was foreshadowed only two days before the Senate vote, would be even more generous to corporate carbon polluters and power generators.

The ACTU’s support for Labor’s CPRS and its claim that rejection puts green jobs at risk (because “business can’t invest until they have certainty, and jobs can’t flourish until they do”) confirms the myopia of policymaking by Australia’s peak union body.

The ACTU, and its partners in the Southern Cross Climate Coalition (the Climate Institute, the Australian Conservation Foundation and the Australian Council of Social Services) that have supported the CPRS, don’t seem to understand that the transition to climate safety cannot be trusted to market forces. The market will only invest in climate-friendly technologies when there’s a profit to be made, not because it has to be done.

This stance ignores the facts of climate science. To reduce global atmospheric carbon dioxide concentrations to 350 parts per million at most—a target that the ACF itself now accepts as a necessary minimum—carbon emissions will have to fall by at least 5% a year. However, the best results achieved through a market-based approach (by Germany) have been a reduction of 1% a year.

The only way of cutting emissions quick enough to avoid catastrophic climate impacts is through massive publicly financed and controlled investment in renewable energy and energy efficiency, the funds sourced from cuts to subsidies to polluters and military expenditure, with the workers in polluting industries retrained on full pay for green jobs.

The Senate rejection of the CPRS also poses big challenges for the grassroots climate action movement. In three months, the CPRS bills can again be presented to the Senate. Another Senate rejection would give Kevin Rudd a basis for a double-dissolution election.

So the pressure is now on the grassroots climate movement to campaign vigorously to educate everyone about the deficiencies of the CPRS, and about the better alternatives. A majority of Australians still see the CPRS as a positive first step towards reducing greenhouse gas emissions, primarily because they have not been given the facts they need to make an informed judgment.

An equally important job is to equip the union movement with a climate policy that addresses the global warming emergency. The challenge—in individual workplaces, union meetings and conferences, Trades and Labour councils and other union peak bodies—is for the unions to fully accept that the climate crisis will not go away.

The rejection of the CPRS should encourage all of us to accept that the most important way of healing an overheating planet is not any “cap-and-trade” scheme, but to make the mass of working people aware of the issues and determined to play a role in avoiding catastrophe. That working majority will be central to identifying and eliminating waste and pollution in the workplace, closing down the old polluting industries and developing and building new sustainable ones.

It’s now important for the grassroots climate movement to help transform Australia’s unions from a cheer squad for Labor’s parody of a climate approach into a powerful force for progressive policy and campaigning against the biggest threat humanity faces.

CONTACT: David White (National Environment Coordinator) 0403 871 082

Thursday, 18 June 2009

A biopsy of the local climate movement

Via Ben Courtice at [BCC: Words]
The June 13 Climate Emergency rally in Melbourne is a good opportunity for a biopsy of the local climate movement. Almost a year after the first Climate Emergency rally we can take stock of how much real progress has been made.

A positive protest
The spirited rally of maybe as many as 4000 showed the Melbourne climate movement at its best. A panel of sharp and political speakers played to a receptive and militant crowd. The march down Swanston St and the sit-in outside the Town Hall increased the public impact of the rally and the news coverage of and around the rally nationally was reasonable. The diversity of active groups was highlighted in the colourful array of banners, placards, puppets and so forth that festooned the march through the city streets.

Certainly, this rally was a positive and inspiring event for many. On the other hand, I spoke to at least two activists in the crowd who declared they were quite disappointed in the turnout. Should we be happy with 4000? Or should we be wondering what went wrong given that it was less than the May 17 climate Human Sign at St Kilda? That it was not discernibly bigger than last year’s climate emergency rally?

Just counting the numbers could miss the point. The political message, the public reception, and the way the rally was put together all say a lot too.

The first thing which is very positive is the active preparation for the rally by groups that brought banners, puppets and of course the bicycle band. It helped to turn a walk-down-the-street march into a veritable carnival of politics – as such demonstrations ought to be.

Secondly, in the lead up to the rally we distributed (an estimate) about 40-50 000 leaflets (out of the 60 000 or so we had printed). These disappeared quite easily and assuming they were actually distributed by the people who took piles, this is a pretty good effort for activists on the ground.

There were four banner drops over freeways, organised by people in Yarra Valley CAG, Moreland CAG, Families Facing Climate Change in Ashburton and WeCAN in the west. This effort may not have had a huge impact on commuters (some banners were taken down very quickly at the request of CityLink officers) but it shows a certain growth in suburban activism (relative to last year’s rally, the only real point of comparison I can think of).

The rally was incredibly visible, occupying the main street for an hour or so. One rally participant noted on Facebook that he thought as he sat outside Town Hall, "Gee, I haven't done a sit-in for years! Well, one where I actually end up getting dragged away!" We didn’t get dragged away this time, but the response from the crowd to the prospects of organising “civil disobedience” actions was positive, boding well for mass protests at Hazelwood later this year.

Weak points
The negatives are mainly related to the degree of participation in organising the event.

Firstly, the number of people at organising meetings was very small. This may make it easy to decide things bureaucratically, but that is not a strength! It was hard to make difficult decisions early on about the slogans and themes for the day because the people in the room only formally represented Friends of the Earth, Socialist Alliance and Solidarity – no-one from TWS, EV, CEN (well I sort of was from CEN); only a few local CAGs sent reps (and not all to the same meeting, necessarily!). We decided that we had to just go with what we thought the climate movement here would support, and seemed to get it right (we didn’t get complaints, anyway!), but could have easily made a wrong call that wasn’t broadly supported.

Secondly, the amount of events on may have detracted from the rally. The simultaneous organising for the Anglesea coal campaign may have taken out a few activists who could have otherwise made a difference organising the rally. The human sign at St Kilda Beach was in and of itself a great event, but LIVE and Bayside used up all their energy in organising that so we lost two groups from the rally organising (who were both key supporters in the 2008 rally). Perhaps the human sign had a greater impact, but it was not an event the whole movement had decided to prioritise at the Climate Action Summit.

Our ability to disseminate information was weak, apart from the apparent ease at distributing leaflets. We had 8000 posters printed (plus TWS did a print run of their own design with a live tree picture, as opposed to the drought-killed tree on the other posters). After doing a paste-up in the West with a friend, I ruefully remarked that we got too many posters printed. He corrected me: we just don’t have enough activists to put them up!

Trying to mass distribute the last 10-20 000 leaflets hit a similar wall. A good mobilisation of 20 people in the city in the morning could have distributed a large bundle, but we could not even mobilise the whole organising committee (who were busy and overstretched, since there were so few of us) and only got three people to the morning we had set for doing it.

Forests, desalination, bay dredging…
It was great that The Wilderness Society came on board this rally fairly seriously. Their “niche” – the forest issue – is objectively crucial to combating climate change but more than that they represent an important group of environmental activists and supporters. (It was especially pleasing to have them on board after last year they refused to have anything to do with the Climate Emergency rally!).

The Watershed anti-desalination campaign group were present, although since the rally had the national demands around climate policy and not a specific anti-desal demand, it was probably to be expected that they didn’t (as far as I could tell) bring the big crowd from Wonthaggi that they did for last year’s rally. Despite sponsoring the rally, Blue Wedges as a visible campaign seem to be pretty beaten down after not being able to stop the dredging going ahead, and I certainly met some activists but not on the scale of 2008.

To make other comparisons with the 2008 Climate Emergency Rally: Having a “hardcore political” rally was more difficult then. Many climate activists, I felt, were more comfortable with the “Climate Emergency” human sign than with the political demands on the poster (and even others were still quite skeptical about using such an extreme term as “emergency”). Remember this was before the 5% CPRS bombshell was dropped, and before the Climate Summit. Rudd still had a lot of cred; it was the projects like new freeways, coal power stations and desalination plants that provided the most obvious example of the government’s anti-ecological course, hence their prominence in the 2008 rally’s demands. I think this shows clearly that the demands of the Climate Summit have caught on with the main support base of the movement.

Now recruiting to the activist core!
It would be good to keep drawing campaigns such as those around freeways and desalination into the climate movement, and in turn drawing the climate movement into supporting their events. While climate activists and their supporters are mostly wised up about the CPRS and the Rudd government’s agenda, the broader community remains less informed. The expansion of coal mining, freeways, and Garrett’s approval of the pulp mill and desalination plants (among others) shows easily understood examples of what the government’s agenda is.

Our movement has set no firm plans beyond the Copenhagen conference and inevitable protests at that time. Yet it is almost unthinkable that we will be satisfied with the outcome of that conference. And 2010 is election year. Will the climate movement endorse, or run candidates? We need to consider these questions, but first we need to use the Hazelwood protests, the 350.org protests, and the Copenhagen protests to grow ourselves a bigger activist core. When we meet at the 2010 Climate Action Summit we must be bigger.

These three big actions/convergences in the second half of 2009 need to be organised openly in a way that we can invite new people to join in. New (and new-ish) activists need to hear (and participate in) debate about how to formulate demands for the movement, how to organise the tin tacks of a demonstration or blockade, how to get posters and leaflets and media releases out there, and so on. We need more activists who are confident to take responsibility for a group or action and run with it.

As a rule of thumb, I would say – the larger the organising meetings the better. Of course we want participants to be grounded in what is going on. A fair representation of all the existing groups is the first element to put in place. But it is entirely possible to facilitate organising meetings with large numbers of people and still get stuff done. It is possible to have new activists participate and learn.

We don’t have an army of full-time administrators and campaigners to do all the work, so it has to be divided up between all of us. Decision making has to be not just transparent and accountable but participatory. People who feel they own decisions will feel responsibility for implementing them.

What next?
Let’s refocus our various campaign groups and local CAGs. Let’s support the anti-freeway campaign and the anti-desalination campaign and the forest campaigns. Let’s get out to the ordinary people on the street with leaflets, film screenings, media stunts, letters to the editor. And make sure you send a representative to the meetings to plan the Hazelwood protest.

We have a broad concern about climate change in the community. Wong and Rudd are working to draw that concern into support for the CPRS. We have to pull every lever to shift public opinion against them.

Tuesday, 28 April 2009

An important petition - CPRS and Climate Change

To all members of climate, environmental and social justice groups, and concerned individuals,

Attached is a document that we would like your group to sign, or you may wish to sign it as an individual member of the public. It is asking the Greens Senators to vote No to the Carbon Pollution Reduction Scheme (CPRS) when it goes before Parliament in the next few months, and it also asks them not to vote through any amended form of the bill. We believe that the scheme is incapable of being “greened up” and must be rejected outright.

CLEAN ( the Climate Emergency Action Network) in South Australia has initiated this petition, and is collecting the signatures by email. We will put all signatories up on our website (www.cleansa.org.au) as soon as they arrive, and then we will present the final package to the Greens Senators well before the Parliamentary vote.

Some supports of action against global warming may well ask if it is it really necessary to lobby the Greens Senators on this issue. Surely they will oppose the CPRS in any conceivable form.

This is not necessarily so. There has been significant debate within the party on the issue, and their media release immediately after their National Council in Perth in late March (http://greensmps.org.au/content/media-release/greens-national-council-calls-cprs-rethink) does not call for a clear and outright rejection of the scheme.

In this context the climate movement and all concerned individuals must send a clear message to the Greens senators that we will support them in voting down this retrograde scheme, which would commit us to climate suicide.

Please send emails indicating your support for this statement to cleansa@yahoo.com.au or hard copy signatures to Unit 1/103 Sturt Street, Adelaide SA 5000.

For further information contact Stephen Darley on 08 82425121 or the Victorian Climate Emergency Network at convenor@climateemergencynetwork.org

Yours in the struggle for a safe planet,

Stephen Darley

Climate Emergency Action Network South Australia

Victorian Climate Emergency Network

_____________________________________________________

THE PETITION

A CALL TO AUSTRALIAN GREENS SENATORS

Reject the Carbon Pollution Reduction Scheme

To: Australian Greens Senators (Bob Brown, Christine Milne, Scott Ludlam, Rachel Siewert, Sarah Hanson-Young)

We, the undersigned, support strong action on global warming. We were greatly encouraged when the recent Climate Action Summit 2009 in Canberra—which involved many Greens members and MPs—adopted goals and plans for such action.

We support the strong position taken by the Australian Greens Senators against the appeasement of the fossil fuel lobby.

We reject the Rudd government’s proposed Carbon Pollution “Reduction” Scheme and support the goal, adopted by the Climate Action Summit, of stopping the CPRS from becoming law. We agree with the Greens’ assessment that the CPRS is “worse than useless” and “would actively prevent the change we desperately need”.

In particular the CPRS:

  • Fails to set targets based on climate science. Its maximum 15% goal, if repeated by other countries, will encourage levels of greenhouse pollution that will be catastrophic for most people and most species.

  • Does not cover all significant sectors of greenhouse gas emissions, omitting agriculture and deforestation.

  • Rewards the biggest polluters and sabotages the efforts of ordinary consumers to reduce their “carbon footprint” by making their emissions savings available as extra polluting credits for the big carbon emitters.

  • Opens the way for even more compensation to the big polluters by defining their pollution credits as a property right.

  • Undermines many of the programs and policies already implemented at a state and local government level.

  • Does not include effective border controls to prevent the exporting of carbon-polluting industries and would allow Australia—the developed world’s highest per capita polluter—to import an unlimited amount of offshore permits to maintain current emission levels.

The CPRS is already undermining momentum towards the December 2009 UN Climate Change Conference in Copenhagen adopting adequate greenhouse gas reduction targets. It is so poorly conceived that it could allow Australia's domestic emissions in 2050 to be as high as they are today!

Nothing by way of proposed amendments of which we are aware would make the CPRS a step forward in the fight against global warming. In particular, proposals to increase the “upper end” target to 25 per cent while making only much lower targets (like 5 per cent) compulsory are a hypocritical attempt to appear to confront the climate emergency while appeasing the big carbon polluters.

W e cannot support poorly-designed proposals like the CPRS that fail to promote a deep and rapid reduction in carbon emissions. The overwhelming, non-negotiable need is for committed leadership and action to save our planet’s environment and its people.

In the knowledge that many Australians and community climate action groups are standing with you, we urge Greens Senators—along with your positive initiatives like the campaign for effective gross feed-in tariffs for renewable energy—to maintain a strong and principled opposition to the CPRS.

NAME

SIGNATURE

ADDRESS

EMAIL

Return to: cleansa@yahoo.com.au or to Climate Emergency Action Network South Australia, Unit 1/103 Sturt Street, Adelaide SA 5000. For further information contact: Stephen Darley 08 82425121

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Friday, 20 February 2009

Economists slam Rudd's CPRS

All of a sudden, with no apparent good reason, the Federal government has thrown itself into turmoil over the CPRS, their proposed emissions reductions scheme. First they want an inquiry into whether the an ETS is the best option (HINT: it's not), and then it's all-over-red-rover, crash-through-or-crash, etc, etc.

There's a fair deal of discussion of the shenanigans (Are Labor backing away from an ETS? Are they backing away from combatting climate change? Is this a cynical ploy because the ALP doesn't have the numbers in the Senate and wants to cover their collective arse?), and the pros and cons of ETS vs Carbon Tax etc, over at Larvateus Prodeo: here, here and here.

The last two links at LP deal with the decision by the recent Climate Action Conference in Canberra to oppose the CPRS as inadequate and locking us into a dangerous economic straitjacket in the battle to avoid runaway climate change.

It is interesting, in the context of that decision, to see that a group of ten Australian economists have spoken out, slamming the Rudd government’s proposed ETS, and have called for the implementation of (shock! horror!) science-based policy to achieve the larger (but still inadequate) cuts of 25%-40% by 2020.

Their statement is below:

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Media Release

February 18, 2009,

Economists speak out against flawed Carbon Trading Scheme

A group of ten Australian economists today slammed the Rudd government’s proposed carbon emissions trading scheme, and called for a science-based policy to achieve 25%-40% cuts in emissions by 2020.

Statement

The Australian government is to be congratulated for its decision to take part in the global effort to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. However, the proposed Carbon Pollution Reduction Scheme cannot be regarded as consistent with the government’s expressed goal of a global agreement to stabilize the climate. Among a number of serious flaws, the proposed target of a 5 per cent reduction in emissions (with a 15 per cent reduction conditional on a global agreement) is simply inadequate to deal with the problem.

In our view the CPRS fails on the following criteria:

First, while there can be no doubt that a high carbon price will result in a significant transformation of the Australian economy, it must be remembered that such transformation is the actual goal of an emissions trading scheme. It is ironic that while the usual purpose of compensation packages is to ease the pain of such transformation, in the case of the Rudd Government’s package compensation is being used to prevent such a transformation. The CPRS actually rewards the major corporate emitters for failing to act despite having been on notice since at least 1997 that the emission reduction targets would be adopted.

Second, the most significant consequence of the global financial crisis is to increase uncertainty and, in turn, reduce new investment. The creation of more ambitious emission targets would provide certainty that would stimulate major investment in renewable energy infrastructure. The consensus scientific and economic opinion is that the consequences of failing to address climate change will dwarf the costs of the current financial unrest.

Third, the Rudd scheme structures the compensation opportunities for energy-intensive, trade-exposed corporations in such a way as to provide an incentive for these corporations to expand production and emissions. This will effect further restructuring of Australian industry that consolidates its energy-intensive character to the disadvantage of low-energy, energy-efficient industries.

Fourth, the proposed compensation of trade-exposed energy-intensive industries is underpinned by the implicit notion that government should ensure a level, and thus competitive, playing field. Yet the proposed compensation package will benefit industry sectors dominated by international corporations which hold considerable market power. The proposed compensation package will further enhance that market power not create competitive markets.

Fifth, the Rudd government has designed a scheme in which every tonne of emissions saved by households frees up an extra permit for the aluminium or steel industry to expand their pollution. In addition to destroying the moral incentive for households to ‘do their bit’ to reduce emissions, this design feature renders all other policies aimed at reducing emissions pointless. For example, households who spend $7,000 installing photovoltaic solar panels might believe that they are helping to reduce emissions but in fact the only impact of such investment will be to slightly lower the demand, and in turn the price, of the fixed number of pollution permits issued by the government.

Sixth, the Rudd scheme fails to cost the complex administrative arrangements that will be required in order to effect the auctioning, the free allocations and the redistribution of permit revenues across the economy.

The CPRS is based on neither sound economics nor sound science. We call on the Government, or the Senate, to make major improvements to the proposed ’solution’ to Australia’s rapidly rising greenhouse gas emissions.

These improvements should include:

• Lifting the targets to 25-40% by 2020 based on the latest scientific evidence
• Abolishing the free permits granted to the biggest polluters
• Ensuring that individual action results in lower emissions, not lower carbon prices

Unless these major flaws in the CPRS can be fixed the government should introduce a carbon tax as a matter of urgency.

In the meantime, we would strongly urge all Australian governments to immediately introduce incentives to maximise investment in the development and use of renewable and low-emissions technologies.

Dr James Arvanitakis University of Western Sydney

Dr Lynne Chester Curtin University of Technology

Dr Richard Denniss Executive Director of The Australia Institute, Adj Associate Professor ANU

Assoc Prof Steve Keen University of Western Sydney

Dr Andrew Mack Macquarie University

Prof Barbara Pocock University of South Australia

Prof John Quiggin University of Queensland

Dr Stuart Rosewarne University of Sydney

Dr Ben Spies-Butcher Macquarie University

Prof Frank Stilwell University of Sydney

For further comment: Prof Frank Stilwell 02 9351 3063